Press freedom is imperative in any democracy, as it sustains the rule of law. But the violence against journalists, champions of the Press, question this brand of pseudo-democracy Africa’s self proclaimed giant practices.
- Since 1997, records show over 179 cases of violence against journalists and media workers resulting in 78 fatalities;
- By prevalence, Lagos led with 21 instances of violence against journalists and media workers, while Kogi had the lowest prevalence- 4;
- The Federal Capital Territory accounted for the highest fatalities (43), with Kaduna and Kogi following;
- Of the 179 instances, the Nigerian Police (26) and Military (10) contributed to the violence against journalists;
- These revelations question the Nigeria Government’s brand of press freedom, if it even exists.
The Nigerian press has had a storied history over the years. And while journalism comes with the occasional occupational hazard, recent data analysed show a hand of Nigeria’s security agents in these hazards. Thirty-six documented instances, to be exact.
Worse, though, is the timeline of these occurrences. It is not recent, but history and present. From 1997, recorded cases have averaged an increase of 3.6 per year, recording the longest period of growth (+10) between 2019 and 2020.
Earlier, we revealed how Nigeria’s security agencies contributed 9.5% of civilian deaths recorded within a two-decade period. Now, while it’s easy to dissociate with figures and numbers, it is pertinent to remember these agents killed the very citizens they swore to protect. And in essence, aided terrorists and assailants raise the death toll on innocent Nigerians. Today’s review not only questions the security outlook of Africa’s most populous nation, but its brand of press freedom.
History of Violence Against Journalists & Media Workers
Overall, there have been 179 cases of violence resulting in 78 fatalities against journalists and media workers between the year 1997 and 2020. Dataphyte’s analysis of data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project further showed casualties to journalists and media workers averaged by 4.11 per year since 1997. In the same vein, cases of violence against journalists and media workers increased between 1997 and 2020, averaging 9.42 per year. It experienced the longest period of growth (+8) between 2013 and 2017. Prevalence increased for the last two years on record.
Further analysis showed the increased death toll between 2011 and 2012 was owing to the extremist group Boko Haram. Recall the terrorist cell often utilised incendiary and remote devices. As such, that period saw nearly 50 fatalities.
Prevalence by Location
Lagos had the highest cases (21) of violence perpetrated against journalists and media workers. On the flip side, Kogi had the lowest case (4) of violence. Lagos accounted for 35% of all cases. A further breakdown by the local government had Abuja on top, with Abuja Municipal having the highest cases (17) of violence; Okene LGA in Kogi State had the lowest case (1). Abuja Municipal accounted for 39.53% of cases of violence.
Inspecting the number of fatalities that resulted from these cases, Federal Capital Territory accounted for 67.19% of fatalities. Fatalities was highest for Federal Capital Territory at 43, followed by Kaduna and Kogi.
Violence against Journalists: Inside Review
Breakdown of the data revealed that an Unidentified Armed Group had the highest number of cases perpetrated, 51, representing 32.9% of the whole. Lowest on the list were the Military Forces of Nigeria, which had the lowest cases at 10. But with the Nigerian Police perpetrating 26 cases, Nigeria’s security agents sum up to 36 cases of violence against journalists.
Granted, assailants such as the extremist group Boko Haram and bandits perpetrated most of these crimes. But the involvement of law enforcement and military in the very crimes they are to police is inexcusable and troubling. Already this year, the EndSARS demonstrations decried against documented cases of torture, extortion and murder from Nigerian law enforcement. But even more worrisome is the paltriness with which the government addresses these issues. And sometimes, their actions question the very existence of press freedom in Nigeria.
Is the Nigerian Government Anti-Press?
Chapter 4, Section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution allows the provision of free speech and television broadcast. Yet, the government keeps throwing the word ‘regulation’ to curtail these rights. Responding to the obvious human rights violation the social media regulation bill imposes, Minister of Information, Lai Mohammed gave the instance of China’s regulation. And according to him, regulation would reduce the prevalence of fake news and EndSARS. But what qualifies as fake news? Anything that does not paint the government in a good light?
In the same vein, the National Broadcasting Commission issued ₦9m fines to a host of television stations for “unprofessional coverage” of EndSARS protests. What constitutes unprofessional? Not the constitution, that’s what… Human rights organisation, Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project also posed a similar question in a litigation against the NBC’s unconstitutional fines.
Still on EndSARS, the back-and-forth between Lagos and Federal government officials raises a few eyebrows. The Lagos State governor initially came out to say there was no death during the Lekki Massacre, even after credible evidence that spoke to the contrary. Likewise, the army first denied their involvement in the Lekki massacre, then changed tunes alleging the Lagos State Government’s invitation. So according to Mr Lai Mohammed, who is the purveyor of fake news?
Human rights organisation Amnesty International also maintained that the right to freedom of expression remained increasingly restricted in Nigeria. In its report, it further cited some legislative tools the government used unjustly to journalists, bloggers and media activists. Chief of which were responding to demands for accountability charges on cybercrime and terrorism under the Cybercrime Act of 2015 and Terrorism (Prevention) (Amendment) Act of 2013. Amnesty International documented 19 cases of assault, arbitrary arrests, and detention of journalists.
With the unconstitutional suppression of free speech and violence against journalists, what brand of democracy does Nigeria run? So far, the go to instance for the Minister of Information has been China. But China runs an autocracy.
